Veteran Algerian human rights lawyer Abdennour Ali Yahia once said: “[Abdelaziz] Bouteflika doesn’t want to be Le Pouvoir, but rather the political system as was the case for Houari Boumediene, or Fidel Castro in Cuba. He wants to lead everyone, the army included. This is the fundamental problem.”

Boumediene governed Algeria from 1965 until his death in 1978. Ben Bella was the first President of Algeria from 1962, at independence, until he was overthrown by Boumediene.

Boumediene’s critics labeled him a dictator (he ruled via a Revolutionary Council made up of military men until 1976), but they never denied his presidential charisma and revolutionary vision. He maintained what resembled a social and economic balance though his presidency. His regime, however, was undone by the country’s dependence on oil revenues and stagnation in the rest of the economy.

Bouteflika served in Boumediene’s government as minister of foreign affairs and was his expected successor. Bouteflika only became president twenty years later when the country was struggling with a horrific civil war.

The backdrop to almost any analysis of Algerian politics, is recognition of the army’s ability to manipulate the ruling elite. With the protests in Algeria continuing for the fourth weekend in a row, the message from the street now is a little different from the previous protests. While until now people chanted “No-to-a-fifth-term,” this time it was relevant since Bouteflika announced last week he was not running for a fifth term, but postponed elections indefinitely.)

In recent days, the protesters’ demands have taken a different turn (they’ve been out in the streets since March 12th): denouncing the entire system—opposition parties, parliamentarians, and army elites included. Protesters, while keeping their cool and intensifying humor and sarcasm, are reaching a point where they are articulating their demands for what they want to see happen next in a way they have not before. And far away from the mediatized protests, we have seen public forums in the form of neighborhood councils, students filling auditoriums across the country to have open debates among themselves and with their professors, and lawmakers striking impromptu meetings to discuss formulating somewhat of a roadmap for what’s next.

The government’s strategy to bide time until the president dies in power is becoming more and more difficult as more pressure is mounted by the popular movement.

It is reported that President Bouteflika is no longer the decision-maker, but his entourage is. Lawmakers have especially been angered by the confusing messages coming from El-Mouradia (the Presidency). For example, in the most recent letter attributed to Bouteflika, he states that he never intended on running for a fifth term. This is in direct conflict with the fact that he had two campaign managers and somehow was able to collect 6 million signatures and deposited his candidacy file by proxy. The legitimacy of Le Pouvoir is fading by the day and the recent nominations of Ramtane Lamamra and Lakhdhar Brahimi are not helping to convince the people that meaningful change is happening.